Nothing
like spending the war in Beirut
Zvi Bar'el, Ha’aretz,
19.2.03
The Web site of the
Intercontinental Hotel chain's confirmed my reservations for rooms at the
Beirut Intercontinental, half a kilometer from the city center and 45
kilometers from popular tourists sites. A standard room for smokers, with a
king-size bed costs $120 plus 10
percent taxes and tips per couple per night, including a continental breakfast
buffet. A special for a five-night stay costs less per night.
It is a pity I will
not be able to go to Beirut
this year, even though the ski season is in full swing
and the snow that fell in the past few days makes for optimum conditions. The
quick confirmation of my hotel reservation refutes claims by Lebanese Tourism
Minister Karam Karam, who publicly announced that the hotels in Lebanon are
fully booked and that many tourists who come this month will have to seek
accommodation in private homes.
A
restaurant in Lebanon, last week. This month over 100,000
tourists will visit the country - 50%
more than in all of 2002.
Photo:AP
Announcements by a
few hotel managers, who told the press that people were not deterred by a
requirement to reserve five-day stays in advance, were also proved false. I found
no such requirement.
The figures, however, are
astounding. This month over 100,000 tourists
will visit Lebanon, and according to Karam this is about 50 percent
more than visited Lebanon throughout 2002. Lebanon
is harvesting the first fruits of the impending war against Iraq. Most of the
tourists are coming from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, while many are from
Jordan and Syria and even from Egypt and Europe.
Lebanon is considered the safest
place in the Middle East to spend the war and many tourists from the Gulf
states who came for the Eid al-Adha feast of the sacrifice have decided to
extend their vacations until the end of the month in the hope that by then the
war will be over and have said that if it drags on they will extend their
vacations by another month.
The ones who are dissatisfied
with this situation are actually the Lebanese living abroad. In a letter sent
by representatives of the Lebanese diaspora to the Lebanese government, they
ask why a flight from Paris to Beirut should cost so much - almost twice that
of a flight to Damascus. "Is Damascus so far from Beirut?" "How
is it that the Syrian government understands the need to make it easier for its
overseas citizens while the Lebanese government is doing everything to make it
more difficult?"
The air fare from Paris to
Lebanon is $800, while a
ticket from Paris to Damascus costs just $450 and the
diaspora is accusing the Lebanese airline of signing an contract with Air
France that allows the French company to set the prices to Lebanon. "How
can Lebanese visit their families for a festival if the price for a family
could be as much as $5,000?"
The residents of Southern Lebanon
are also complaining that this month's marketing and sales festival excluded
them almost completely. In Nabatieh there were only a few tourists and the
local residents favored purchases from temporary roadside stands over a trip to
the organized market, at which products cost more. Even discounts of 40-70 percent
did not help much.
Southern Lebanon is
a region whose economy is different from that of the rest of the country. There
are few sources of income and the rehabilitation that began after the
withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces from Lebanon is slow and is not
attracting foreign investments.
"No new factories have been
built in the South, there are no infrastructure projects and government
representatives are seldom seen in this area," writes a Lebanese
journalist.
Thus, while Arab and European
tourists are being interviewed in the North of the country, singing the
country's praises and the worst worry last week concerned a government order to
close down 47 bars that were operating without
a license, the South is suspicious.
Lebanese
expectations of what will happen in the south of the country as a result of a
war in Iraq are apparently a reflection of suspicions in Israel. "[Prime
Minister Ariel] Sharon will surely want to take advantage of the situation and
attack Hezbollah positions and even reinvade Lebanon," says one Lebanese
analyst.
This is the accepted view that
has forced the Lebanese government to send more troops to the Southern border
and set up cement barricades to prevent the expulsion of the Palestinians from
the territories northward, which the Lebanese figure is Israel's goal. The
Lebanese army has also stepped up its patrols in the South and reinforced the
security points at the entry to the Palestinian refugee camps.
Lebanese sources say Syria has
told the Palestinians in Lebanon and Hezbollah to keep the Southern border
quiet so as not to provide Israel with any reason to operate in Lebanon.
Hezbollah perplexed
Hezbollah, for its part, is vague
regarding the war. The organization's secretary general, Sheikh Hassan
Nasrallah, announced his own initiative for a solution to the crisis in Iraq
about 10 days ago. His initiative focuses
on the establishment of a national Iraqi council that would include all the
parties, including people from the exiled opposition, with the aim of reaching
national conciliation inside Iraq. This council would be followed by free
elections, which would result in an Iraqi national government that will
initiate conciliation with the Arab states.
Beyond the
difficulty of implementing this initiative and the outright rejection with
which it was met by members of the Iraqi opposition, Lebanese commentators are
presenting this initiative as an indication of Hezbollah's confusion.
"The Hezbollah initiative
stands in total contradiction to the Iranian position," says one Lebanese
commentator. "Iran does not want a unity government in Iraq and is
interested in Saddam Hussein's downfall. Iran presented its position as `active
neutrality,' meaning non-involvement in Iraq and the practical delivery of its
interests to the United States. Furthermore, Iran is cooperating with the U.S.
on the Iraqi issue and is maintaining a dialogue with the Americans. The
Hezbollah proposal, in theory, runs counter to this position - in theory
because it has no chance of being accepted, but as a declaration it signals a
dispute between Iran and the organization."
Another matter concerns relations
between Hezbollah and the Lebanese government. "Why should Hezbollah
suddenly come out with such an initiative?" asks the commentator. "It
cries a challenge to the Lebanese government, which did not come out with its
own initiative. True, there is criticism that there were not enough political
discussions among members of the parliament and it looks as if this war does
not concern it, but has Hezbollah become an alternative to the
government?"
The commentator noted that
Hezbollah's position also represents the gap between positions among Shiites in
Lebanon and among Shiites outside Lebanon. Thus, while the Iraqi Shiite
opposition, represented mainly by the Supreme Council for the Islamic
Revolution in Iraq (an organization based in Tehran), wants to bring down
Saddam's regime and enjoys Iran's support, Hezbollah comes along as a Lebanese
Shiite organization and offers an alternative.
Lebanese sources feel that if the
war does happen and it turns out that the Shiites in Iraq assume positions of
control and power, Iraqi's important Shiite center is liable to eclipse the
Shiite center in Iran. Then the years-long struggle between the group's
religious centers, one in Qum in Iran and the other in Najaf in Iraq, is liable
to develop to the point of threatening the position of Ali Khamenei, Iran's
spiritual leader.
"In the meantime, however,
these are visions and dreams that filter through to us on the fringes of the
struggle with Iraq," says a Lebanese source close to what is happening
among the Shiites in Lebanon. The main issue is the military political move and
the effect of the war on the state and not on the ethnic group.
"We live in a double
state," explains a Lebanese journalist in an e-mail. "On the one hand
we present ourselves as a secure state, with evidence of this being the throngs
of tourists who come here, while on the other hand we live in fear that someone
to the south, Hezbollah or Israel, will suddenly go crazy and start a war. That
would be a tremendous disaster for the country, which is starting to get on the
right track economically."
The financial report of one of
the main banks in Lebanon, the Audi bank, predicts Lebanon will profit in the
short term from a war in Iraq, and that many investments will flow to Lebanon
because it can assure them a quiet destination until things calm down. The
report points out, for example, that after the terror attacks in New York some $800 million
in investments flowed to Lebanon, funds that came from Arab investors who
pulled their money out of the U.S.
Lebanese economists
are expecting a similar situation if a war erupts soon. A Lebanese banker said
that during a recent visit to the Gulf states, many Saudi and Kuwaiti investors
asked him about the conditions and options for investing in Lebanon.
Kuwait this week presented itself
as the safest place in the Middle East and claimed there was no chance that
Iraqi forces would invade Kuwaiti territory during the war. This week, however,
Kuwaiti banking sources reported that clients had already begun withdrawing
their savings and securities and were transferring deposits abroad, with one of
the main destinations being Lebanese banks.
The interest on savings in
Lebanon has dropped to about 4 percent per year and the
government is now charging a 5-percent tax on interest
income, but Lebanese economists are apparently not worried that this will halt
the flow of investments. After all, how many investment alternatives are left
in this war-threatened region?
"The problems will start if
and when Iraq is liberated," says the Lebanese journalist. "Then
there will be a run on Baghdad and everyone will want to grab a chunk of the
economic boom. This is a good reason for Lebanon not to want a war in Iraq. It
is better for the investments to stay here."